Islamabad:
While anti-terrorism courts are starting to send back verdicts in cases of riot of May 9, political issues for Pakistan Tehreek-e-insaf (PTI) and its founding president, Imran Khan, are not only intellectuals but also enter a new phase of vulnerability.
The reported condemnation of a member in office of the National Assembly, among others, marks more than a simple legal precedent because it signals the start of an increasing pressure campaign on the party, just as it is carried out for another attempt to recover streets.
But before PTI could rekindle its street power, he must first struggle with three challenges of composition: to tighten legal nodes, a larger part of the internal disarray exacerbated by the imprisonment and isolation of Imran Khan, and an extended Gulf between the party and the powerful districts.
Together, these dynamics left the party politically disoriented, legally cornered and with a strategic drift.
The violence of May 9, triggered by the arrest of the chief boss of PTI newly designated in a case of corruption, triggered unrest across the country, including unprecedented attacks against military facilities.
The state’s response was rapid and swept away, with a repression leading to the arrest of dozens of leaders and supporters, many of whom are now confronted with anti -terrorist accusations.
While convictions are starting to ride, political analysts think that the cost of staging fresh agitation increases day by day.
Ahmed Bilal Mehboob, president of the Pakistani Institute for Legislative Development and Transparency (Pildat), considers this as a central moment.
“The government and the establishment have become stronger and more confident, especially after the recent [Pak-India] The four-day war, “he said, adding” support for the agitation against the government and the establishment by PTI and its allies also underwent a new setback “.
Commenting on the convictions of convictions, the leader of the pidat noted that there was a greater probability for a more severe punishment for 9 people could accused, adding: “This judgment is indicative of the future trend of more difficult actions”.
Mehboob estimated that a vacuum at the top was another factor that worsened legal challenges for Khan and the party.
Regarding the question of whether PTI’s call to protest would gain ground, in particular after the chief boss called for the first time to interviews with the establishment, then announced a prison protest movement, Mehboob estimated that Imran Khan suffers from a lack of clarity in communication because it is not able to communicate directly from the bars behind bars.
He noted that visitors told Khan’s point of view with an inclination reflecting their personal opinions, which are often contradictory.
“Apparently, there is no clear and well considered policy that the party has decided to follow,” he said while listing the reasons for constantly obtaining PTI confused signals.
Mehboob said it shows a confused state of mind, which is quite natural in a situation where “the supreme leader is behind the bar and isolated; and the rest of the party officials lack confidence and authority to make a decision because Khan can embarrass and snubs them at any time”.
Meanwhile, PTI’s relationship with powerful stakeholders has reached a new hollow.
An example of this was observed when the party was excluded from a high-level marshal dinner to celebrate victory in the recent war, which, according to experts, was a symbolic but revealing snob.
The only extended invitation to PTI was sent to the chief minister of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Ali Amin Gandapur. However, he jumped the event to attend a party meeting by discussing the liberation of Khan – an act which was considered by some as defiance, but by others as a missed opportunity.
“The PTI should decide to act as a” revolutionary “party by opting for the road to the bustle of the street (which, in my opinion, can be a suicidal path) or act as a responsible political party which governs a province and can governing the country again,” said Mehboob.
He said PTI should not miss his official functions as a major political party and as a government of the province, and participate in all these state ceremonies and meetings such as dinner organized by Marshal in the field. “Trying to get into two boats can get the party in the mud,” he concluded.
While sharing his opinions on the challenges encountered by PTI, Professor Tahir Naeem Malik of NUML University said that the verdict in the cases of May 9 clearly showed that the state was not going to go easily on PTI.
“The verdicts of May 9 are not only legal judgments,” noted the professor, “they are part of a broader message that the state intends to draw a hard line.”
Commenting on Khan’s desire to hold direct talks with the establishment, which was quickly followed by his announcement to start a new protest movement, Professor Malik said that it was the result of a lack of coordination between party leaders, because they did not obtain frequent possibilities of conceiving political strategies in the midst of changing circumstances.
“The main leadership is in prison and unable to take stock of the rapidly evolving situation while outside people cannot make decisions by themselves,” said Professor Malik, “this has created confusion to negotiate or resist; therefore, in the face of paralysis.”
Nevertheless, Malik said that voters’ support is still there for PTI, but it seems that the party’s ability to transform this into action has reduced, adding that slogans will not be sufficient without appropriate coordination and a clear plan.
On the rifts, he said, with a certain form of reconciliation or reset, it is difficult to see how PTI finds political space through traditional canals.
