On June 15, the world witnessed the first conclusion of the US-Israeli war of aggression against Iran. Even though there are no winners or losers yet, the United States remains deeply humiliated – in its military power, its technology, its strategy and its assessments; therefore, he lost in strategic terms. Iran has gained a lot. Ostracized for 45 years, he now dominates the global strategic scene. And in this context, Pakistan, a wise mediator and geostrategic strategist, having managed to engage despite the war, appears to be the master of classic diplomacy.
The United States gained little and lost considerably. Its direct military involvement did not result in strategic submission from Iran. This did not destroy Iran’s will. It did not make it possible to create a new regional order on American or Israeli conditions. Instead, it has pushed the world to the brink of wider war, threatened the security of the Strait of Hormuz, destabilized global energy markets, and exposed the limits of military coercion in the face of a state that cannot be excluded from any serious regional security framework. Israel, the main driver of this US-Israeli aggression, has failed to achieve its strategic objective of devastation of Iran and locking the region into a logic of war while extending its control in pursuit of its diabolical dream of Greater Israel.
The signing of the Memorandum of Understanding marks the end, for now, of a dangerous cycle of war and opens the door to the next round of negotiations on the nuclear issue, uranium enrichment, sanctions relief and de-escalation. Iran appears to have secured commitments to de-escalation, a gradual easing of sanctions pressures and a release of frozen Iranian assets, including those held in Qatar and even the United Arab Emirates.
For the world, the most immediate gain is the opening and securing of the Strait of Hormuz. Its closure led to energy price shocks, inflation, shipping uncertainties, pressure on oil-importing economies and broader economic instability. The MoU has, for now, moved the world away from that edge. The 107-day mistake did not turn into a prolonged Vietnam-like disaster for the United States, Iran, or the region. Pakistan’s sustained, credible and multi-layered engagement, and its diplomacy of keeping communication channels open throughout the war, made this possible.
Pakistan’s message from day one was that war is not a solution; dialogue is essential; and weapons do not create real security. This was Pakistan’s global message. Commitment, recognition of the stakes of all parties and a regional commitment to peace and stability do this. It was Pakistan that made this possible. The irony is that Pakistan’s chief diplomat in this crisis was COAS-CDF Field Marshal Asim Munir. In the classic diplomatic sense, he became Pakistan’s key figure steering a complex process in which war, deterrence, regional politics, pressure from the great powers and clandestine negotiations converged. Pakistan’s decades of experiential wisdom in managing complex security crises through dialogue, engagement and restraint were brought to the fore.
It is significant that the April 11 meeting in Islamabad was a crucial moment. The discussions were substantial. It was a quasi-deal, or at least the architecture of one was within reach. Pakistan’s preparatory work and its multiple, incessant dialogues have borne fruit. Then came the disruptive factor: Israel. Threats of imminent military measures generated panic and talks were scuttled. Trump was less involved, and Netanyahu more. There was intelligence and concern that Israel could target senior Iranian figures, including Iran’s military leadership and foreign minister. This was an immediate security threat that could have completely destroyed the negotiation process.
It is in this context that Pakistan’s role has become crucial. Pakistan did not allow the diplomatic space to collapse. This helped keep the channels open. This helped manage security concerns around Iranian officials and supported the safe movement of senior Iranian leaders at a time when the threat of Israeli action was real.
Pakistan was managing a larger regional crisis involving Gulf concerns, Iran-Saudi and Iran-UAE tensions, maritime security, Hormuz and fears that a single spark could trigger a much larger war. She engaged Iran and the United States while remaining attentive to Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, Egypt and other concerned states. He needed to understand Iran’s legitimate security concerns while managing Arab fears of escalation. She had to oppose Israeli aggression and genocide while pushing for restraint.
Beijing publicly supported Pakistan’s initiatives and later joined Pakistan. As a world power, it has advocated for dialogue in a very substantial way.
As the war developed, a new model of regional consultation also emerged. Pakistan, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Egypt – a fourth emerging group of regional powers – were actively engaging and assessing the crisis. This was important because the region could not afford to leave its fate entirely to outside powers or Israel’s war program. Regional security must rest with regional states, and Pakistan’s role in this consultation was enhanced by its unique position: a nuclear-armed Muslim state with military clout, diplomatic experience, and credible channels in multiple capitals.
Over the past 107 days, Pakistan has clearly emerged as a middle power with effective mobilization and engagement capabilities. It showed that classic diplomacy remains important: discreet conversations, strategic assertiveness, crisis management, point avoidance, credible intermediaries, protection of the negotiating space and the ability to persuade adversaries that dialogue serves their own interests.
A recent illustration of Pakistan’s growing credibility was the visit of the Lebanese army chief to Pakistan and his meeting with the Pakistani air chief. It’s another sign of Pakistan’s growing importance beyond the immediate U.S.-Iran relationship. From Iran to Lebanon and from the Gulf to wider West Asia, Pakistan is increasingly seen as a country capable of convening, advising, engaging and mediating.
Meanwhile, the memorandum of understanding between Iran and the United States has created an opening, but Israel is desperate to disrupt it, whether through Lebanon or through its occupation and massacres on Palestinian lands. The talks are vulnerable to lingering mistrust between Iran and the United States as well as U.S. domestic politics. And Pakistan’s role remains crucial. The ceasefire is also vulnerable, as is the Strait of Hormuz. Iran’s economic aid must be real enough to keep diplomacy alive. Furthermore, in the broader regional context, including Israeli aggression, Iran-Gulf relations, Yemen’s dynamism, maritime security and Israeli aggression, challenges will remain active.
However, after 107 days, the scorecard is clear: Iran’s gains lie in the recognition that, despite sanctions, attacks and pressure, it cannot be pushed aside. Iran is an integral part of any framework aimed at regional stability, prosperity or development. A policy based solely on isolating Iran has failed. A policy built solely on military pressure has failed. Engagement is not a favor for Iran; it is a requirement for peace.
And finally, Pakistan’s success: it helped bring the battered and clumsy United States and the region back to the crucial understanding that only dialogue works. This helped contain the war when escalation was possible. This showed that a state can be both principled and pragmatic.
For Pakistan, the task is clear: continue to actively facilitate the ceasefire as part of a negotiating process leading to an Iran-US agreement. Indeed, this is the moment to recognize that Pakistan’s calm, firm and sustained diplomacy helped shape one of the most significant diplomatic openings in contemporary world history.
The writer is an expert in foreign policy and international security. She posts on X @nasimzehra.
Disclaimer: The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policies of PK Press Club.tv.
Originally published in The News
